Applicatives : structure and interpretation from a by Youngmi Jeong

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By Youngmi Jeong

Applicatives is worried with the syntax of buildings that include arguments that go beyond the normal subject-object characterization, and the way the syntax of such structures yields the interpretive results that earlier study has pointed out. on the empirical point this quantity treatments the inadequacies and barriers of earlier debts by means of offering a extra nuanced view of all of the components that input into the syntax and semantics of applicatives. on the theoretical point, this ebook bargains empirical arguments for numerous theoretical suggestions at the moment entertained within the minimalist software, between which stream into theta-position, a number of agree, anti-locality, and a truly derivational view on successive cyclic move.

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Once this is done, the applicative phrase can be merged either below or above the v-phrase. If it is merged above the v-phrase, it gives rise to the familiar high applicative structure, as shown in (ic). SYNTAX OF APPLICATIVES 37 relationship between the high applicative and VP in both cases. A high applied argument will c-command the theme if merged upwards, and will be c-commanded by the theme if merged downwards. (8) a. HApplP 2 IO HAppl’ 2 HAppl VP 2 V DO VP 2 V HApplP 2 DO HAppl’ 2 HAppl IO b.

But the English ditransitive structure is semantically/thematically richer. ’ This is the thematic relation that Pietroski (2003:201) focuses on. He captures the latter by assuming that DO is generated in the specifier of an intermediate Larsonian VP-shell, whose head indicates transfer, and the lower shell expresses the Goal relation and contains IO. Although Pietroski’s semantic characterization is, I think, correct, it requires that DO start off higher than IO, in a position that we have characterized above as a high applicative.

I showed itsi trainer every lioni’ (McGinnis 2004:52) (16) a. b. Het boek werd Mary gegeven the book was Mary given ‘The book was given to Mary’ (Koster 1978:156) *{Zij werd/ De meisjes werden} het boek gegeven she was/ the girls were the book given ‘She was/ The girls were given the book’ (Den Dikken and Mulder 1991:71) (15) shows that the indirect object in Dutch c-commands the direct object in an active double object construction, just as in English (Barss and Lasnik 1986) since an IO quantifier can bind a pronoun embedded in the DO (15a), but not vice versa (15b).

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