By Yoshiki Ogawa
Syntactically conversing, it has lengthy been recognized that noun words are parallel to clauses in lots of respects. whereas so much syntactic theories contain this precept, nouns have often been considered as not as good as verbs when it comes to their licensing talents, and nominal projections were considered as much less complicated than verbal projections by way of the variety of practical different types that they comprise. Ogawa, besides the fact that, argues that clauses and noun words are completely parallel. This ebook presents a unified thought of clauses and noun words, finally assisting to simplify a number of thorny matters within the syntax/morphology interface.
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Additional info for A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections
Law 1991:127): Marie peinst *(da) Jan den vent gezien heet. , West Flemish): (36) a. Frisian (Law 1991:222): Hy tinkt datst do jun komst. ' b. ' c. : 129): K weten da-se zie goat weggoan. ' Since CP is head-initial in these languages, the V-to-C movement in an embedded clause must result in the placement of a finite verb in sentencemedial position: (37) a. German (van Kemenade 1987:47): Er sagte, er habe ihn gesehen. ' b. Dutch (Hulk and van Kemenade 1993:183): Hij zei hij heeft hem gisteren gezien.
In section 6, I provide a unified solution to why the ECM verbs cannot be nominalized and why Romance languages do not have the ECM construction. In section 7, I argue for the satisfaction of the null affixal C by overt wh-movement. 22 A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections A novel analysis of raising complements is proposed in section 8, where I argue for the satisfaction of the null C in a raising complement by overt NP-movement. In section 9, I solve some loose ends with the present theory.
Suppose, following Diesing (1990), that the category involved with the embedded V2 configuration is Infl. Then, the generalization to be explained can be stated as follows: (47) Only the verbs that can raise to Infl can raise further to C. ) (47) could be understood as a descriptive generalization that holds water only in Frisian. However, (47) can arguably be reduced to a principle of UG: the Head Movement Constraint. If this is the case, it should holds in the other Germanic SOV languages, such as German and Dutch, as well.